Divorce:
Destructive associations
Mortality, unemployment and sexual behaviour:
Chapter
19, The Great Divorce Controversy
Many
people agree that mortality figures provide a good proxy measure for health.
For this reason public health specialists use mortality rates to compare the
relative health status of different groups within a population. For example,
mortality figures are routinely analysed by social class to describe differences
between the groups. It is well known that people in the more deprived social
classes have mortality rates that are significantly higher than rates in the
more affluent social classes. An obvious strength of mortality data is that it
is collected for all deaths, and therefore is routinely available in large
numbers.
Divorce and mortality
National mortality data for England & Wales have been used to examine mortality
by marital status. Death rates for different age groups show that at each age
group divorced men have higher rates than their married counterparts. Divorced
men in their forties and fifties, for example, have death rates double those of
married men. The death rate for divorced men in their 60s is about 70 per cent
higher than for married men of the same age. Single men under 50 have higher
death rates than both married and divorced men, but similar rates to divorced
men in the older age groups.
The rates
for divorced women are also higher in each age group than for married women,
although the mortality differential is smaller—for example, divorced women in
their 50s have a rate about 40 per cent higher than that of married women. The
death rate for divorced women in their 60s is about 33 per cent higher than for
their married counterparts. Single women have death rates that are higher than
married women at every age. Married women in their 30s, 40s and 50s have death
rates half that of their single counterparts.1
In order
to make an overall comparison of the relative health of married and divorced
people, age standardised mortality rates by marital status have been calculated
using England & Wales mortality data.2 This calculation takes account of
possible differences in age structure between married and divorced populations.
Among relatively young men aged 65 and under (figure 21), the death rate
for divorced men (80 per thousand) was 70 per cent higher than the death rate
for married men (47 per thousand). Among women the death rate of divorcees was
37 per cent higher than the rate of married women. These results are consistent
with the age-specific rates shown above. So we see that men have higher
mortality rates than women in general, and this difference is magnified by
divorce. Of particular interest is the fact that single women have death rates
in the younger age groups that are twice those of married women.
Divorce and
unemployment
The
General Household Survey is a continuous survey that is based on a sample of the
general population resident in households in Great Britain. The 1991 survey
obtained information from 19 thousand people living in just under 10 thousand
private households throughout the country. It collected information on
unemployment by marital status. The data showed that divorced men have
age-specific unemployment rates that are more than double those of married men.
For example, in the 35–44 age group, divorced men had a rate of unemployment
that was three times higher than the rate among married men; 18 per cent among
divorced men compared to 5 per cent among married men. In the 45–54 age group,
unemployment among divorced men was twice that of married men (14 per cent
compared to 6 per cent respectively). It is significant that there is no
difference in unemployment rates between divorced and married women.3
Trends
in sexual behaviour
The
British National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyle is the largest survey
into sexual behaviour ever undertaken. An expert team of epidemiologists
designed and carried out the survey – funded by the Wellcome Trust – which
collected information from a scientifically chosen sample of 19 thousand
representatives of the British population in the age range 16 to 59. Findings
of the survey were reported in 1994 in the book Sexual Attitudes and
Lifestyles.4
The
survey provided strong evidence of major changes in sexual behaviour in the
British population over the last four decades. One of the most important
changes was a sharp fall in the age of first sexual intercourse. For example,
among women the median age of first sexual intercourse has fallen from 21 years
for those born in the early 1930s, to 17 years for those born in the early
1970s, showing a 4 year reduction in the median age over four decades. Among
men the median age of first intercourse declined from 20 years to 17 over the
same period.5
Another
measure of sexual activity was the proportion of people who were sexually active
before their 16th birthday. Data from the survey showed a large change over the
last four decades. Among women aged 55 and over (born in the 1930s) around 1
per cent had their first sexual intercourse before they were 16, compared to 19
per cent of women born in the 1970s, and teenagers at the time of the survey.
The authors commented that these changes in sexual behaviour ‘seem to have
coincided with a period in which the traditional constraints on early sexual
expression – social disapproval of sex before marriage, negative attitudes
towards teenage sexuality and a fear of pregnancy – have been gradually lifted’.6
Another
major trend was an increase in the number of sexual partners during the last
four decades. The survey found a steady increase in the proportion of people
who reported 10 or more partners over a lifetime; an effect that was more marked
for women than men. Around 3 per cent of women, for example, who became
sexually active in the 1950s reported 10 or more partners, compared to 10 per
cent who became sexually active in the 1970s.7
Multiple sexual
partners
Not
surprisingly, marital status has a great influence on sexual behaviour.
Divorced and separated men, in particular, are prone to multiple sexual
partnerships. Comparing men and women in the 25–44 age group, the survey shows
that almost 40 per cent of divorced/separated men (including a small numbers of
widowers) reported two or more partners in the last year, compared to 26 per
cent of single men, 15 per cent of cohabiting men and 5 per cent of married
men. Among the females, 16 per cent of divorced/separated women (including a
small number of widows) reported two or more partners, a rate similar to that of
single women (15 per cent), but much higher than married women (2 per cent).8
The
difference in sexual behaviour between married and divorced men is further
illustrated in figure 22, which shows the number of female sexual
partners reported in the last five years. Whereas 82 per cent of married men
reported one sexual partner, almost a quarter of divorced men reported five or
more partners, and just under 50 per cent report three or more partners in the
last five years. Among divorced women, 20 per cent reported 3 or more sexual
partners in the last 5 years, compared to 3 per cent of married women. However,
one in six divorced women (17 per cent) reported no sexual partner in the last
five years.9
According to the researchers, ‘The data presented here suggest that those who
are separated, divorced and widowed may be a group with particularly rapid
partner change.’10
An
important aim of the national survey was to identify the population at higher
risk of adverse outcomes from their sexual behaviour. Accordingly, the survey
defined risk-taking behaviour as those who had two or more partners in the last
year, but did not use a condom in that time; they were considered to be
practising ‘unsafe’ sex. As expected, marital status had a strong effect. By
far the highest rates were reported by divorced/separated men, 17 per cent of
whom had practised ‘unsafe’ sex in the last year, compared to 3 per cent of
married men. It is interesting to observe that cohabiting men (10 per cent)
were three times as likely to report ‘unsafe’ sex in the last year than were
married men. The rate of ‘unsafe’ sex in the last year reported by single,
divorced and cohabiting women were 11 per cent, 9 per cent and 6 per cent
respectively. Married women (1 per cent) had by far the lowest rate of ‘unsafe’
sex.11
Consistent with the reported rates of ‘unsafe’ sex, divorced women were more
likely to have had a venereal infection than their married counterparts. The
survey shows that 4 per cent of divorced women had attended a clinic for
venereal disease in the last 5 years compared to 1 per cent of married women.
The figures for men are 6 per cent and 2 per cent respectively.12
A study
by the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention in America has found that
during the 1990s the number of over 50s who are infected with AIDS through
heterosexual sex has doubled. This increase is explained by the newly divorced
throwing themselves into new relationships, and infection rates are especially
high among the retirement communities of Florida. In response to this new
threat the campaign for ‘safe’ sex has developed the slogan – ‘Sex is not only
for the young. Neither is AIDS.’13
Abortion by marital status
Divorced women are twice as likely as married women to have had an abortion.
The national survey shows that 22 per cent of divorced or separated women have
had an abortion at some time during their lives, compared to 11 per cent of
married women. For the last five years the figures are 5 per cent and 3 per
cent respectively. It is interesting to note that the level of miscarriage in
the last five years was virtually the same in married and divorced women (7 per
cent and 6 per cent respectively).14
Comment
Divorce is associated with a significant increase in mortality, suggesting that
it has a profound effect on both men and women. The destructive behaviour
associated with divorce is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the higher
death rates. Some people are so disturbed by divorce that they lose their
purpose in life, and some even the will to live. The differential in death
rates between divorced and married women is smaller than that observed in men.
This is probably due to the restraining effect of maternal responsibilities,
which modify the self-destructive behaviour so apparent among men. Married
women have lower death rates than single women in each age group, showing that
marriage has definite beneficial effects. Feminists are wrong when they say
that marriage is bad for women.
The
higher unemployment rate among divorced men is evidence of their lack of
motivation and purpose—they lack the motivation to provide for the family of
which they are no longer a part. Women, however, face to face with the economic
realities of providing for the children have little choice but to work in order
to support themselves.
The
evidence from the national survey of sexual behaviour shows that divorced people
are far more likely to have multiple sexual partners, and to suffer the
consequences of their unhealthy lifestyle. As we have already seen, divorced
men are prone to enter into cohabiting relationships, many of which are of short
duration. It is particularly sad for the children of divorce to see their
parents behave in a way that they regard as immoral. Moreover, the parents’
pattern of sexual behaviour sets an example their children are likely to emulate
as they grow older. Casual sexual relationships have consequences and often
cause a feeling of frustration and regret. It becomes rather pointless for
mature men and women in their late 30s and 40s to be ‘playing the field’, moving
from one sexual encounter to the next. Many divorced people feel guilty because
they sense that a lifestyle of uncommitted sex is wrong and sets a bad example
for their children. The high rate of abortion among divorced women is
particularly sad, for it shows that although they have given themselves
sexually, they have been unable to accept the pregnancy that results from the
relationship.
Chapter 19. Destructive associations
1. Office of Population Censuses and Surveys.
Mortality statistics, General, 1993,1994 and 1995.
(Series DH1 no 28), London, HMSO, 1997.
2. Office of Population Censuses and Surveys.
Mortality
statistics, General. (Series DH1 no 27), London, HMSO, 1994.
3. Office of Population Censuses and Surveys.
General
Household survey. 1991. Ann Bridgwood and David Savage. (OPCS Series GHS No.
22), London: HMSO, 1993, p103, table 5.19.
4. Anne M. Johnson, Jane Wadsworth, Kaye Wellings and Julia
Read. Sexual attitudes and lifestyle. Oxford, Blackwell Scientific
Publications, 1994.
5. Kaye Wellings and Sally Bradshaw. ‘First Intercourse
between Men and Women’ in Anne M. Johnson, et al. (eds.), Sexual attitudes
and lifestyle. Oxford, Blackwell Scientific Publications, 1994, chapter 4,
p106.
6. Ibid. p106.
7. Anne Johnson and Jane Wadsworth. ‘Heterosexual
Partnerships’, in Anne M. Johnson, et al. (eds.), Sexual attitudes and
lifestyle. Oxford, Blackwell Scientific Publications, 1994, chapter 5, p118.
8. Ibid. p122.
9. Anne Johnson, Sexual attitudes and lifestyle,
Data from appendix 3, table A5.2A p444 & table A5.2B p446.
10. Ibid. p123.
11. Ibid. Data from appendix 3, table A10.2 p492 and p494.
12. Ibid. Data from appendix 3, table A9.1 p482 and p480.
13. Damian Whitworth. ‘Love is riskier the second time around’.
The Times, 18 May 1999.
14. Anne Johnson, Sexual attitudes and
lifestyle, Data from appendix 3, table A9.2 p484. |